Most University Medical Research Brought To You By Big Pharma

(Natural Blaze by Brandon Turbeville) Partly a result in the decrease in government funding in innovation, health, science, and general development and partly a result of the close connection between major corporations, government, and academia, there has been a major increase in the “financial partnerships” between universities and Big Pharma over the past several years. Once a relatively rare occurrence, Big Pharma/Big Ed partnerships have become a common sight, with many corporations maintaining massive “integrated programs” and “science hubs” in university institutions. The focus of these programs are not necessarily public health but the development of drugs for Big Pharma profits.

GlaxoSmithKline at Harvard, AstraZeneca at the University of Washington, and Pfizer at the University of California are some of the most glaring examples, but they are by no means even the tip of the iceberg in Big Pharma/Big Ed partnerships. As SOTT.net writes in its article “Big Pharma Pays Universities For Most Medical Research In the United States,

In fact, with the increasing financial ties between academia and the pharmaceutical industry, many drug companies have formed specialized divisions that are solely responsible for seeking research and development relationships with academic institutions.”

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One such reason for a greater reliance on Big Pharma for research money is the decline in interest of the U.S. government to fund projects that would theoretically benefit human health and increase living standards through progress and development. For instance, a report in the British Medical Journal stated that “An estimated 60% of biomedical research and development in the United States is now privately funded, and two thirds of academic institutions have equity ties with outside sponsors.” In other words, over half of the medical research conducted at universities is conducted with funding from Big Pharma itself.

A review published in the Mens Sana Monograph suggests that,

This need for large funds is, moreover, coupled with the desire to acquire it without making a dent in one’s own pockets. The easiest way that can happen is getting an interested party to fund it, which has a big stake in the success of the entire venture. Hence, the pharmaceutical industry becomes a willing partner in the whole enterprise.

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The Washington Post, surprisingly, explains one reason such heavy corporate funding is a bad idea. It states,

The billions that the drug companies invest in such experiments help fund the world’s quest for cures. But their aim is not just public health. That money is also part of a high-risk quest for profits, and over the past decade corporate interference has repeatedly muddled the nation’s drug science, sometimes with potentially lethal consequences

Ever since the 1980s, more money for medical research has come from Big Pharma than from grants awarded by the NIH. In 2011, Big Pharma spent $39 billion while the NIH only spent $31 billion. This is in part a testament to the fact that, while the U.S. can waste billions on foreign wars and foreign aid, it is pinching pennies with research that could benefit its own people back home. But it’s also a revelation of just how close corporate interests and the University Industrial Complex actually are. Thus, it’s very concerning when one of the greatest forces for cultural “revolution” and Big Pharma are teaming up to such an openly high level.

Editor’s Note: “Industry-sponsored clinical trials are four times more likely to report positive results than non-industry sponsored clinical trials.”

In addition, SOTT writes of how this growing partnership raises some serious conflict of interest questions. The website writes,

It is no secret that relationship between doctors and pharmaceutical companies has involved significant financial entanglement, consequently opening a debate on conflict of interest issues.4 Financial incentives provided by drug companies have influenced doctors to engage in inappropriate prescribing habits to promote the purchase and use of the sponsoring company’s drug, thus questioning the credibility of both parties involved.4

This same type of cozy relationship is now becoming prominent between academics and pharmaceutical companies. While financial relationships between doctors and drug companies has come under significant scrutiny, less attention is being paid to financial relationships between academics and the drug industry.4

There is enough evidence to document conflict of interest issues between academics in leadership positions and the drug industry. A study published in the Journal of the American Medical Association reveals:

Almost every major U.S.- based pharmaceutical company in 2012-and nearly 40 percent worldwide-had at least one board member in a leadership position from a U.S. academic medical center, raising potentially problematic conflict-of-interest questions. The board members were compensated an average of $312,564 by the pharmaceutical companies, while concurrently holding clinical or administrative leadership positions at academic medical centers.6

The study’s senior author, Welld Gallad, MD, MPH points out:

[P]harmaceutical industry board membership by academic medical center leaders could lead to a different kind of potential conflict of interest, since academic leaders wield considerably more influence over research, clinical and educational missions than ordinary physicians or staff who may be targeted for gifts by pharmaceutical representatives.6

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Dr. Gallad adds:

The public will have to decide whether these non-profit, and in many cases publicly funded, academic institutions can manage these potential conflicts with internal policies, or whether additional regulation is needed.6

. . . . .

A significant amount of vaccine related research is now being conducted at American academic institutions. Many universities now have their own vaccine research centers, with pharmaceutical companies funding many of the studies. Professors and other academic scientists who conduct these studies often also have personal financial relationships with vaccine manufacturers. This conflict of interest may or may not be revealed in the study’s original publication, depending upon the medical journal in which the study is published.

Concerns have been voiced about the pharmaceutical industry’s lack of transparency with regard to the development and side effects of FDA licensed drugs and vaccines and financial relationships with the medical profession, which promotes the use of those drugs and vaccines. It is logical to ask whether the public can trust the conclusions of vaccine research conducted by academic institutions heavily funded by vaccine manufacturers, which may incentivize researchers to steer research toward conclusions that suit the financial interests of those companies.

One does not need to look too far in order to see that the University research/Big Pharma partnership is creating a dangerous culture. Many academics survive on grants either by government or by corporations and a researcher might be ending his own career if he bucks the institution which is paying for the gravy train. This is one reason university scientists, researchers, and academics are some of the most vociferous guard dogs and defenders of corporations. With Big Pharma paying the bills of most medical research conducted in the United States, there is no wonder why Big Ed is simply becoming the validator of industry science in the sickest nation on the planet. Come to think of it, there is no wonder why the United States is the sickest nation on the planet.

Hat tip to SOTT “Big Pharma Pays Universities For Most Medical Research In The United States

Taking Aim at Corporate Impunity, Sanders’ Bill Would Send Big Pharma Execs Behind Opioid Crisis to Jail

(Common Dreams by Julia Conley) “We know that pharmaceutical companies lied about the addictive impacts of opioids they manufactured…Not one of them has been held fully accountable for its role in an epidemic that is killing tens of thousands of Americans every year.”

While President Donald Trump attempts to place blame for the enduring opioid addiction crisis on immigrants, Sen. Bernie Sanders (I-Vt.) announced Tuesday that he would introduce legislation to take aim at those who drug policy experts agree are truly behind the epidemic that kills tens of thousands of Americans per year—pharmaceutical companies and executives.

“At a time when local, state and federal governments are spending many billions of dollars a year dealing with the impact of the opioid epidemic, we must hold the pharmaceutical companies and executives that created the crisis accountable,” said Sanders in a statement.

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The bill (pdf) would threaten Big Pharma executives with at least 10 years in prison should their companies be found guilty of contributing to the opioid crisis through manipulative marketing practices. Executives would also face fines equal to their total compensation packages, while companies would be fined $7.8 billion—one-tenth of the annual cost of the public health epidemic, according to government estimates.

Under the legislation, companies would be required to clearly state that opioids are addictive in any marketing materials for the drugs, which include popular brands including OxyContin, Vicodin, and Percocet.

The roots of the opioid crisis are traced back to the 1990s, when Purdue Pharma, the maker of OxyContin, began marketing the drug as safe for long-term use for chronic pain, denying that prescription opioids—which are chemically similar to heroin—had highly addictive properties.

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After opioid painkiller prescriptions skyrocketed as a result, the rate of overdose began to rise as well, with opioid overdoses killing at least 63,000 Americans in 2016.

In Ohio next year, Purdue is one of several drug companies that will face a jury trial over a lawsuit accusing them of “deceptively marketing opioids” and alleging distributors “ignored red flags indicating the painkillers were being diverted for improper uses.”

But Sanders noted that no company has truly been held liable for the epidemic, which Purdue alone has make tens of billions of dollars off of in recent years:

In 2007, Purdue Pharma…pled guilty and agreed to pay more than $600 million in fines for misleading the public about the risks of the drug. But the company still made $22 billion off of the drug in the past decade.

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“We know that pharmaceutical companies lied about the addictive impacts of opioids they manufactured,” said Sanders. “They knew how dangerous these products were but refused to tell doctors and patients. Yet, while some of these companies have made billions each year in profits, not one of them has been held fully accountable for its role in an epidemic that is killing tens of thousands of Americans every year.”

In An Effort To Curb Drug Costs, States Advance Bills To Prod Feds On Importation

(Kaiser Health News) Norm Thurston is a “free-market guy” — a conservative health economist in Republican-run Utah who rarely sees the government’s involvement in anything as beneficial.

But in a twist, the state lawmaker is now pushing for Utah to flex its muscle to spur federal action on ever-climbing prescription drug prices.

“This is something that a red state like Utah could do. I don’t think this is a partisan issue,” Thurston said. “Those outrageous cost increases are not the result of the free market.”

The approach: Let the state contract with wholesalers in Canada, importing cheaper prescriptions from up north and distributing them to the state’s health care system.

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Other states — Vermont, West Virginia and Oklahoma, among them — are following similar paths, pushing legislation that would seek permission from the Trump administration to launch their own plans to import drugs from Canada.

For years, American consumers have tried to buy cheaper drugs from their northern neighbor, sometimes packing into buses for day trips to Canadian pharmacies, or patronizing American stores that help them order drugs from abroad. But the practice is illegal.

The states want to change that, and set up a formal process that nets broader savings. The idea is for the state health department to set up a wholesale program that buys drugs from Canada and resells them to local pharmacies and hospitals. Individual states would be responsible for ensuring that the medications are safe and that importing them does save money.

“This statute is putting pressure on the federal government to take a harder look at these questions,” said Rachel Sachs, an associate law professor at Washington University of St. Louis, who researches drug price regulations. “The state legislatures can say, ‘Look, we’re doing everything we can, but we do need the federal government to help us out on this.’”

The federal government has been slow to act on this issue, and skeptics say a 30-page Trump administration memo on drug pricing released late last week would likely have only limited impact.

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But states, whose budgets for Medicaid and state employee health programs are squeezed by these costs, are moving forward.

In Vermont alone, drug spending has gone up by 35 percent from 2010 to 2015, the most recent year for which data are available.

Backers of the state plans say the strategy is a no-brainer that could save hundreds of millions of dollars. They discount concerns about drug safety, arguing that drugs from Canada are made by reputable companies, often in the same facilities and by the same firms that sell them in the U.S. — but at much higher prices.

“We would be bringing in drugs intended for the Canadian market, and therefore at Canadian pricing,” Thurston said. “One would assume if we could come up with a program that meets the recommendations of federal law, what justification would the [Health and Human Services] secretary have for saying no?”

The state measures follow model legislation developed by the National Academy for State Health Policy that uses a framework put in place by the 2003 federal law that created the Medicare Part D program. That law says the U.S. Department of Health and Human Services can approve drug importation plans if it is convinced the plans will save money and will not create any public health concerns.

Once passed, these laws task state health departments with overseeing the development of these programs. After the health department settles on the specifics, state officials must negotiate implementation with HHS. That could take years.

It is also likely to be an uphill battle.

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In 15 years, HHS has never acted upon the 2003 law by approving any drug importation program.

Last spring, when members of Congress pushed a national bill, a bipartisan group of former Food and Drug Administration commissioners came out in opposition, arguing it would be impossible to verify drug safety absolutely. That bill ultimately failed to garner a majority vote.

It’s unclear where the current administration stands on this issue.

Alex Azar, the newly confirmed HHS secretary, has been coy on the subject — though in a confirmation hearing last fall, he said importing drugs from Canada could create safety concerns. Despite multiple requests, HHS did not provide comment for this story by the publication deadline.

The pharmaceutical industry echoed the cautions about safety.

“The proposals we are seeing in states across the country threaten the safety of patients and families and will not deliver the savings they promise,” said Priscilla VanderVeer, a spokeswoman for the trade group Pharmaceutical Research and Manufacturers of America (PhRMA).

In the states, though, backers say their bills address that concern.

And other analysts argued that, regardless, safety of Canadian drugs isn’t a real issue.

“A lot of the drugs used in the United States and in Canada are made in the same plants, in countries like India or Europe,” said Michael Law, a pharmaceutical policy expert and associate professor at the University of British Columbia’s Center for Health Services and Policy Research. “The U.S. FDA and other regulatory agencies rely on other agencies’ inspections — the idea that Canadian drugs are these dangerous drugs is a red herring.”

A bigger question, he said, is the amount of savings these bills would generate.

Thurston pointed to Utah state analyses that suggest the state could save $70 million in the private sector, and another $20 million to $30 million in state-funded insurance programs. If approved, he said, the state would target 15 to 20 drugs to import — insulin, for instance, because it is bought in large quantities, or expensive drugs that treat hepatitis C or HIV.

Others expressed skepticism.

For one thing, the true price of prescription drugs isn’t always clear. There’s the list price — and generally, those are much higher in the United States. But insurance plans often negotiate rebates, or discounts, from the drug company — meaning they can end up paying far less than what’s advertised. Those discounts aren’t public, making it much harder to compare prices between the two countries.

The drug industry would also likely employ strategies to counter importation.

Pharmaceutical companies, Law noted, stand to lose if American states are importing cheaper drugs. That could motivate them to tamp down how many prescriptions they sell in Canada, or find other ways to discourage Canadian wholesalers from participating.

“My guess is any Canadian distributor to engage in that would find their [medication] supply dwindle quickly, because the drug companies would stop supplying,” he said. “The supplier systems in the United States would probably find it hard to get a [Canadian drug] supply in the long term.”

That’s certainly a real concern, said Claire Ayer, a Vermont state senator and Democrat who chairs her legislature’s Health and Welfare Committee.

“We can’t tell drug companies or wholesalers what to do in Canada,” she added.

VanderVeer said PhRMA could not speculate on how individual drug companies may react to importation.

Still, these state efforts could spur the federal government to take action, Sachs suggested — even if it’s unclear how large an impact importation would have.

“Importation will not solve all the problems — and I don’t think states see it as such,” she said. “But it could be a useful way to put pressure on a federal government and White House that has thus far largely been inactive on this topic.”

Damning Investigation Shows Big Pharma Bribed 68,000 Doctors To Push Deadly Opioids

(Natural Blaze by Claire Bernish) More than 68,000 doctors received payments in excess of $46 million — in the span of just 29 months — from Goliath pharmaceutical corporations pushing opioid painkillers, researchers in a groundbreaking investigation of Big Pharma’s and the epidemic of legal and illicit opiates plaguing the United States.

Money to push opioids found one doctor in 12, and the rampant destruction wrought upon countless American families forced to cope with loved ones dependent on prescription painkillers, or on heroin sought when those ran out, proves circumstantially the dollars did their job.

“The next step is to understand these links between payments, prescribing practices, and overdose deaths,” Scott Hadland, a pediatrician and author of the study, published in the American Journal of Public Healthtold the Washington Post.

Averaged out, more than 1,000 people suffered fatal drug overdoses per week in 2015, the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention reported, and steep spike occurred during the first six months of the following year — which the National Centers for Health Statistics attributes largely to a sharp rise opioid deaths — in particular, heroin and the potent synthetic painkiller, fentanyl.

Despite heroin driving that abrupt increase, Hadland points out that, for many,

It’s very common that the first opioid they’re ever exposed to is from a prescription.

Indisputably, the opioid crisis presents a quagmire of issues, each seeming to perpetuate others; and while its complexities seem monumental, the twin agitators of pharmaceutical money to physicians to push dangerous painkillers and the multifarious war on drugs — especially federal prohibition of cannabis, which helps alleviate dependency — present the simplest avenues to explore solutions.

To wit, Boston Medical Center researchers found the largest sums were given to doctors to push fentanyl — a painkiller anywhere from 50 to 100 times stronger than morphine, used for the extreme pain of cancer, end of life, and more. Illicit fentanyl manufactured overseas is cut into heroin — when can overwhelm the user’s system with a lethal cocktail of opioids and synthetics.

Drug developers engineered tamper-proof fentanyl pills in response to the epidemic, but the study found pharmaceutical companies, on the whole, were not aggressively marketing those safer versions to doctors.

According to the investigation, the top 1 percent of physicians, around 700, received 82.5 percent of total sum of payments for opioids. Speaking fees constituted approximately two-thirds of the total dollars Big Pharma bestowed to physicians, but pharmaceutical reps wined and dined doctors more than any other courting activity, constituting just under 94 percent of total payouts.

Incidentally, the analysis of public data from Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services revealed, Big Pharma opioid money inundated every corner of the U.S.; but, Indiana, Ohio, and New Jersey — the three states bearing the harrowing brunt of the nationwide opioid scourge — recorded the largest number of payments to doctors.

That this study is believed the first of its kind — coupled with its focus on pharmaceutical opioid cash — speaks to the influence those millions upon millions each year tragically outscream the mourning throngs of families whose loved ones originally sought only to alleviate untenable pain.

Corporate media and pharmaceutical marketers have muddied potential solutions in proposals to solve the nation’s pill problem with yet more pills — or their equivalent — legalization of cannabis, found to treat opiate addiction, would do more to extricate opioid addicts from their potentially fatal substance dependency than nearly any other option.

Study authors conclude, “These findings should prompt an examination of industry influences on opioid prescribing” — a study the mounting scores of dead attest should have been undertaken years ago.

Claire Bernish began writing as an independent, investigative journalist in 2015, with works published and republished around the world. Not one to hold back, Claire’s particular areas of interest include U.S. foreign policy, analysis of international affairs, and everything pertaining to transparency and thwarting censorship. To keep up with the latest uncensored news, follow her on Facebook or Twitter: @Subversive_Pen. This article first appeared at The Free Thought Project.

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